PRETORIA – A proposed DA cabinet reshuffle initiated by party leader Geordin Hill-Lewis is set to test President Cyril Ramaphosa‘s constitutional authority and the stability of the multi-party coalition. The requested changes, which include the demotion of former DA leader John Steenhuisen, have sparked intense political debate ahead of the upcoming local government elections.
The presidency has confirmed that Hill-Lewis formally wrote to Ramaphosa to outline several changes affecting Democratic Alliance (DA) members in the national government. According to the proposal, Willie Aucamp would replace Steenhuisen as the Minister of Agriculture. Steenhuisen, the former DA leader, would subsequently be demoted to the position of Deputy Minister of Trade, Industry, and Competition (DTIC). Additionally, David Maynier is slated to move from the Western Cape provincial government to become the new Minister of Forestry, Fisheries, and the Environment, while Yusuf Cassim would transition to Deputy Minister of Education.
Presidency spokesperson Vincent Magwenya confirmed the receipt of the letter, stating that the President will apply his mind to the matter and make an announcement in due course.
Political analyst Professor Bheki Mngomezulu from Nelson Mandela University notes that while a new leader often brings changes—a “new broom sweeps clean” approach—the proposed moves present several contradictions. Mngomezulu points out that the DA has historically criticized the African National Congress (ANC) for recycling its leaders, yet the current proposals appear to do exactly that.
“Why demote him from being a full minister and then make him a deputy minister in a different department? If he has run his course, why not remove him entirely?” Mngomezulu questioned, noting that Cassim’s move to the education portfolio makes sense as he remains in the same area, but the other reshuffles seem like mere recycling.
The analyst highlighted several underlying factors for Steenhuisen’s proposed demotion, including internal party schisms and the handling of the foot-and-mouth disease outbreak. While some argue Steenhuisen was visible in sourcing medication from South America, frustrated farmers have initiated litigation, prompting the DA to act ahead of the November 4 local government elections. Furthermore, Mngomezulu noted that during the 2024 post-election coalition negotiations, Helen Zille appeared more at the forefront, even though Steenhuisen handled most of the actual negotiations that brought the DA into the multi-party government.
The proposed placement of Steenhuisen in the DTIC is particularly contentious. Mngomezulu emphasized that the DTIC is a critical portfolio where economic policy and race collide, specifically regarding Black Economic Empowerment (BEE) and affirmative action. The DA has historically opposed policies like BEE and triple-B, advocating for timeframes to conclude such processes. As far back as 2018, the party claimed that neither race nor gender should count when electing leaders, focusing solely on skills. Mngomezulu recalled the DA’s historical struggles with race, referencing the departures of figures like Mmusi Maimane and Herman Mashaba from the party’s so-called black caucus. He emphasized that ignoring race in South African politics is akin to daydreaming. Placing a staunch critic in the DTIC role sets him up for failure and forces him to contest his own bosses in the ANC-led coalition—a coalition the DA joined on the ANC’s invitation, with the ANC remaining the largest party at 40.18% of the vote. Notably, the only previous instance where Ramaphosa removed a member of another party from the coalition was Andrew Whitfield, who previously held the DTIC position.
Constitutionally, the decision rests firmly with the President. Sections 84E, 91, and 93 of the Constitution empower the President to appoint and dismiss ministers and deputy ministers. Mngomezulu recalled his past assertions regarding former President Jacob Zuma’s ministerial firings, maintaining that the courts misled the nation by demanding the President explain himself. He noted that Ramaphosa successfully challenged that ruling, affirming that the President holds the prerogative to hire and fire without needing to explain themselves, provided the decisions are rational and constitutionally sound.
However, the President’s response will set a significant precedent. With ten parties forming the multi-party coalition, any accommodation or rejection of the DA’s demands will dictate how similar requests from other parties are handled in the future. If the President rejects the changes, it could cause major problems for the coalition; if he accepts, he must apply the same rule to all ten parties when they present similar requests.
Ultimately, Mngomezulu argues that these drastic changes risk dividing the party on the eve of an election. He asserts that the DA has long lost its “good governance” tag after choosing to work with the ANC, a party it previously labeled as corrupt.
“Both the ANC and the DA have an identity crisis,” Mngomezulu stated. “The ANC works on the premise that it is still the sole governing party, and the DA works on the wrong assumption that it is still the official opposition. They are basically birds of the same feather flying together, and by recycling ministers, the DA is doing exactly what it once accused the ANC of doing.”
